On the 29th of July, the Government of India announced the ban of 59 Chinese apps with the objective of protecting the sovereignty and security of users in the country. This app-ban came into force as a retaliation against the Sino-India standoff at the Galwan Valley, which killed 20 Indian soldiers.[1] ‘Why the sudden commotion at the border?’, one may ask. Let’s dig deeper to find out.
India-China History
Our history textbooks detail the India-China partnership through the ages, especially the Non-Aligned Movement and Panchsheel[2] Pact to respect each other’s sovereignties, non-aggression, non-interference in domestic matters, mutual benefit, and lastly and most importantly, peaceful coexistence. But, as is the case with any set of competitive neighbours, India and China have had several roadblocks in the said peaceful coexistence - the Sino-India war in 1962, border disputes in Sikkim leading to skirmishes in 1967, China’s siding with Pakistan in the Kargil War and the 1987 stand-off at Sumdorong Chu Valley.
The clash in June birthed from Chinese troops exceeding their limit on movement along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), in protest to the construction of roads on the Indian side.
What do military stand-offs have to do with the banning of apps?
With China picking an unapologetic stance on the casualties caused in the face-off, India aims to stand up for itself, as seen with clarity in Prime Minister Modi’s bold words, “India wants peace, but if provoked, India is capable of giving a befitting reply.” And a befitting reply they did give. The banning of apps was followed in quick succession by the announcement of requirement of government approval for investment from Chinese entities, restriction of Chinese firms from participating in bids in Indian government procurement, and rejection of the Chinese smartphone bigshot, Vivo from sponsoring the IPL. But will this be sufficient in India’s stand against an economy with a GDP 4.78[3] times theirs? Apparently not; and for many reasons too.
What is the ‘String of Pearls’?
This is a geopolitical theory referring to the Chinese military and commercial hotspots developed around the Indian Ocean. China has, under its jurisdiction, Myanmar’s Kyaukpyu port[4] that serves as a military cum commercial facility, the Coco Islands, Hambantota in Sri Lanka that was surrendered to China upon failure to pay their debt[5], and of course, the development of Gwadar Port in Pakistan, veiled under the pretence of being an economic corridor[6], but is so placed that an offensive could easily be launched.
Upon questioning the motives of the same, China always gives a ridiculously unbelievable reply stating that “China's burgeoning naval strategy is entirely peaceful in nature and is only for the protection of regional trade interests”[7]. The so-called “String of Pearls” surrounds India, trapping and confining her, making it a Chakravyuh of modern times.
Why aren’t countries coming to India’s defence with respect to the Galwan Valley clash?
India remains a powerful standing in South Asia, yet no country in the immediate neighbourhood has come to India’s defence.[8] There can be only one clear and obvious explanation for this - China has the economy to support development in countries, substantially more than what India has to offer. Neighbouring countries - Sri Lanka, Maldives, Myanmar, Bhutan, Nepal, and Bangladesh are supplied with Chinese investments, and hence, dare not speak up about the current situation, instead labelling it as a matter to be resolved between India and China alone. Moreover, Nepal, in a sudden turn of events, claimed a sliver of India’s territory, which has China’s hand written all over it.
What is India’s counter policy?
India’s counterattack comes with a series of bans on Chinese involvement, with careful consideration in keeping China out of every policy and decision that the Central Government has been making. This goes hand-in-hand with the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD or Quad)[10] comprising India, USA, Japan and Australia. The major agreement signed with Australia, allowing both countries to use each other’s military bases, further consolidates India’s partnership with the Land Down Under against China. With superpowers of the world - USA, UK and the EU - expressing their strong disapproval of China, both due to the COVID-19 pandemic and otherwise, India certainly has an edge, at least with respect to allies.
The future
The news of the 20 jawans that were martyred at the Galwan Valley certainly united a dismayed India, with the call for “Boycott China” emanating from all corners of the subcontinent. Yet, just a few days after the stand-off, the OnePlus8 Pro sold in a flash on Amazon India.[11] If India is to truly boycott China, every Indian citizen must stand strong in their effort to stay off Chinese products. This will be a truly trying task, considering Chinese products have consistently been the most affordable and quality assured products in the market, especially with reference to electronic appliances. India’s essay in weaning off Chinese support will prove to be a long and hard one, with Chinese imports from India amounting to $16.4 billion, making up 4.2% of India's overall exports as of 2014.[12][13] The Make in India movement has to gain much-needed momentum, and cheap and graded substitutes for products must be found within India. India’s strategic hold over the Strait of Malacca does play out in its favour. [14]
China seems to have a set of well-orchestrated acts under their sleeve this year - with the non-containment of the COVID-19 pandemic, the sinking of a Vietnamese shipping boat[15] and the ruling of Hong Kong with an iron-fist[16] being just the tip of the iceberg. Blatantly offending China will result in grave consequences given that India’s military budget stands at US $71.1 billion while its Chinese counterpart is a whopping US $261 billion.[17] India needs to carefully calculate its actions to minimize the socio-economic consequences and fatalities in the process. It does not take a genius to infer that despite options available, China will have an undeniable upper-hand. India has its consistent option of resorting to defense and yielding to China’s demands, but it is evident that the India of today doesn’t present itself with that option. Hope for India shines bright, with Indian parties putting aside their internal differences and coming together in their take on China and Western allies coming in India’s strong defence, or rather, in its common offense against China. Only time will tell if the post-Covid world will see yet another Democracy vs. Communism Cold War.
Article by-
Smrithi Shree
Co-Editor,
For the Record,
PES MUN Society
Comments