The Decade of Modi - A Veil of Saffron

Ajit Solanki/AP// Workers construct a wall in front of a slum ahead of Donald Trump’s visit to Ahmedabad in February 2020

The 18th Lok Sabha election results delivered a surprising mandate, defying all exit poll predictions and setting the stage for the rise of regional political parties. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has established its government as the head of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). At the same time, the Opposition claims to be reinvigorated, rallying behind the slogan “Samvidhan Bachao, Desh Bachao '' (Save the Constitution, Save the Country). This slogan clashed with the BJP’s saffronisation efforts, highlighting the ever-deep ideological divides in the country. Despite its ambitions of crossing 400 seats set by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the BJP failed to secure an outright majority in the lower house of parliament after two terms of a clear and strong mandate. 

Looking back, what did a decade of the Modi government mean for India?

The Brand of Modi

“Kitchen Cabinet” is a term commonly used to refer to the group of unofficial advisors to a political leader. It serves as an informal nexus of the decision-making process. Narendra Modi's kitchen cabinet consists of Union Minister Amit Shah and himself. While the BJP has ridden on opposing and fighting against family dynasties of the Congress, the BJP functions as a unit that cannot be described anywhere close to being democratic. The Modi-Shah BJP is a far cry from the party that has seen leaders like Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Trinamool Congress Leader Derek O’Brien coined the BJP government as the “World’s Largest Diarchy”.[1]

PTI//Narendra Modi’s address from the Red Fort on the occasion Of The 77th Independence Day

Modi has been unquestionably the most popular and polarising Indian leader of this century. However, the absence of any internal democracy in the BJP has propelled him to that status. The BJP, ever since its relaunch in the 1980s, has tried to paint the picture that its internal functioning completely contrasts with that of the Indian National Congress (INC). But, the BJP has never seen an election for its top post, and presidents have always been “unanimously” elected. The recent amendment to the party’s constitution extinguished any flame of internal democracy.[2]

This lack of internal democracy is reflected in the BJP government. The BJP of the past 10 years mirrors the Congress government of the 1970s and 80s. The diarchy at the top of the party’s internal functioning has undermined the BJP’s state leadership across every state. While the Indian governance model provides for a “strong centre” form of federalism, the Modi model is of the “only centre” form. This affinity for centralisation has only hurt the BJP. It has failed to develop any promising leaders since coming to power. Even Yogi Adityanath felt the brunt of the Modi-Shah duo’s unquestioned leadership. The 2024 general elections saw his candidates being sidelined, with quiet disgruntlement within the state leadership that only worsened when the BJP lost its stronghold in Uttar Pradesh come the day of counting.[3]

Disregarding discussion and discourse has also resulted in the government bringing poorly thought-out policies like the farm laws and the Agnipath Scheme for army recruitment. The government had to rely on its social media campaigners (also famously called the “IT Cell”) and hate politics to save face. The farm laws were repealed in December 2021, with a similar fate awaiting the Agnipath Scheme.

The Modi Wave seen in 21st-century India strummed the hearts of Hindu nationalists across the nation and the 2024 Lok Sabha elections should be looked at very closely. The BJP has retained its vote share[4], but the Opposition's more adept orchestration of coalition politics thwarted the BJP’s ambitions of securing a two-thirds majority in the Lok Sabha. Many assert that the Modi wave remains potent and that India will witness a resurgence of its influence in the next elections, akin to the 1980 Lok Sabha elections when Indira Gandhi returned to power in a landslide victory. Indira Gandhi had been ousted by a coalition of opposition parties, who capitalised on her misuse of the Constitution and the Emergency provisions.

Congress loyalists often try to varnish Indira Gandhi’s authoritarian rule with a coat of her “Iron Lady” persona. Modi loyalists indulge in similar rhetoric, albeit with a saffron paintbrush and a tad bit of Devanagari rubbed in. 

Economic Policy

The First Failure

November 2016 saw every Indian household in a frenzy. Every nook and corner of the house was turned upside-down and even sideways for good measure. The Modi government, in just one address to the nation, had decided to nullify 86% of the currency in circulation. It was proclaimed to be a “Surgical Strike” on black money and terror funding. However, as we look at this policy decision eight years later, it can be said that demonetisation was the first iteration of a typical Modi policy— rash, unorganised and lacking foresight. It commenced a tirade of policy decisions over the next 10 years that were always long on rhetoric but short on practice. While some would rejoice in the “revolutionary” ambitions of the government, the government’s inability to work with experts is quite evident. 

99.3% of the demonetised currency in circulation returned to the banking system.[5] It was an utter failure of an economic policy that frustrated every Indian and left banks having to do the job that they were not designed for. Thousands of crores of taxpayer money were wasted on printing new notes and calibrating ATMs for the new 2000 rupee note. Terror attacks and their frequency were not curbed.[6] 

PTI/Representative Image//Cashiers with limited salaries had to shave money out of their financial capacity when faced with issues in account tallying.

Contrary to the portrayal in Bollywood films and the belief of the Modi government, black money is rarely stored in physical currency. It is stored in real estate investments, shell companies, and easily exchangeable currencies (such as dollars). Ignoring such a basic understanding of black money raises questions about who was advising the government on major policy decisions—if anyone was at all.

It Is All A Numbers Game

After the failure of demonetisation (a fact the BJP still does not accept), the Modi government in July 2017 brought in another fiscal policy change. This time they were at war with, as Narendra Modi would put it, “tax terrorism”. It draped clothes of the BJP’s not-so-subtle centralisation efforts with then Finance Minister Arun Jaitley endorsing the “one nation, one tax” slogan. 7 years later, in July 2024, the Modi 3.0 government did not release GST data fearing backlash from high collection figures.[7] Although collection figures do not always represent increased taxation, Modi 3.0 shows signs of being on the back foot.

GST was introduced with the notion of it being simple and uniform. The introduction of this policy diverted much-needed attention from reform in direct taxes which contribute to 40% of the country’s tax collections.[8] The government’s affinity to crony capitalists and goal to limit state autonomy is reflected in the GST council. All states are part of the council and a 3/4th supermajority is required for any decision. However, the catch is that the centre holds 1/3rd of the votes in the council, essentially, a veto. States’ revenues have remained stagnant and surrendering the sales tax under this new tax regime has only worked detrimentally. [61] [62] While a 1:1 split on every consumer bill with the words “CGST” and “SGST” might give the impression of uniformity and simplicity of GST, GST has been nothing but a ploy by the Modi government to tighten its reins over state governments.

Frontline Magazine/Article Dated July 10, 2022 “Goods and Services Tax: Faulty by design”

Sab Changa Si

Behind the smoke and mirrors of economic jargon and trigger-happy policy changes, the bottom line for the common man is jobs and inflation. Modi came into power with promises of creating 2 crore jobs annually and reducing the costs of essential commodities and fuel. However, in its ten-year tenure, the Modi government has failed on all these fronts.

The government’s fascination with GDP alone is problematic. GDP is an important metric to measure economic growth rate. However, economic growth at the expense of growing inequality is akin to taking two steps backwards. India is projected to become the world’s third-largest economy this decade. However, Modi’s second tenure saw the slowest growth rate since the 1990s. [9] India's GDP per capita growth rate has been abysmal compared to Dr Manmohan Singh’s tenure(2004-2014).[10] One could make a case for the impact of COVID-19 in Modi 2.0. But the UPA government too had to endure the 2008 global economic crisis.

Foreign Direct Investments have taken a hit too. The continued disregard for the manufacturing sector has reduced the sector's share in the economy under the NDA regime. Modi’s “Make in India” campaign has not paid its dividends.

In a purely macroeconomic sense, India is on the right track. It is an attractive site for foreign investments, and India’s stock market is now the world’s fourth largest. India’s consumer base is rising steadily, and household incomes have increased. But behind these headline-catching figures lies the reality that India finds itself in. India’s economic boost is standing on record-high inequality. The World Inequality Lab claims it exceeds levels seen under British rule. It further claims India is under a “Billionaire Raj”.[11] But, such comprehensive and expert criticism does not have a place in Modi’s India. All foreign reports that do not align with the government’s stringent agenda are rejected on grounds of being biased and “jealous” of India’s boom. While such arguments should not be dismissed without thought, the government's lack of transparency and noticeable discrepancies in data do not make a great case for it.[12]

The rich make merry, but the poor pay more for food and fuel. Even though global prices fell, the Modi government maintained prices by increasing taxation. Food prices have risen in Modi 2.0 putting a strain on farmers and consumers alike. The surge in food prices has increased the cost of living for the poor.[13] [14]

Ramandeep Kaur/ThePrint

Trading Economics Website//Crude Oil Prices

When all is said and done, the ground reality is that Indians today struggle to find employment. Struggling to find stable income, facing increasing inflation, and dealing with slower sector-wide growth have hurt the youth. Despite having the world's largest youth population, India struggles to create enough jobs to sustain it. The country's aspiration to become a service economy has led to the neglect of the manufacturing sector. Moreover, the increasing share of agricultural jobs is not a sign of sustainable growth, let alone an upcoming “superpower.” Former RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan emphasised the importance of developing “human capital” for India to propel itself into an advanced economy.[15]

Statista//Cost inflation index in India from financial years 2002 to 2024

Unemployment figures are reaching record highs. The government seems to be aware of this problem, responding by not providing timely and accurate information.[16] [18] Economists rely on data from the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE) for accurate and timely figures, which often show higher rates. Instead of introspectively examining their methodology for obtaining unemployment rates, the Modi government, quite characteristically, warned against surveys by private bodies![17]

X/Live Mint article dated 11/07/2024//A stampede-like situation in Ankleshwar in Gujarat’s Bharuch as 1,000+ Job Seekers Battle For 10 Openings

Public Policy

The Constitutional Tilt-a-Whirl

CAA-NRC(Citizenship Amendment Act and National Register for Citizens)

The Citizenship Act of 1955 has been amended six times since its inception. However, the sixth amendment passed in 2019 and first introduced in 2016, saw a massive country-wide upsurge. This mass resistance was the first of its kind witnessed during the Modi regime. It laid down the foundations for further Hindu majoritarian policies pursued by the BJP-RSS. The main contention of CAA-NRC was its perceived Muslim-exclusionary policy. The amendment enabled the naturalisation of people (refugees or illegal migrants) from 6 faiths, namely – Hindus, Christians, Sikhs, Jains, Buddhists and Parsis from three neighbouring countries – Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh. The BJP rode on two rallying points. 

First, the noble goal of the amendment was to aid the minorities in these countries. This is an easily disputable argument as the act does not provide any provision for Shia Muslims who are a persecuted minority in Pakistan. Nor does it take into consideration the Tamil refugees from Sri Lanka in India.[19] The act bleeds of a deliberate attempt to appease the Hindu populace by “saving” the said minorities. The supposed noble character of the act falls flat when faced with the fact that it provides no provisions for political refugees or economic migrants (terms devoid of any religious connotation).[24]

The second, which can be extracted from Union Minister Amit Shah’s speech establishing chronology in the CAA-NRC process, is quite simply Infiltrators (ghuspaithiye) are the country’s problem. This is the manifesto behind the NRC and NPR (National Population Register). It aims to weed out and stop illegal migration from neighbouring countries. But, the first pothole this policy (or process) fell into is that people simply do not have the documentation to prove their citizenship. Millions of people in India who have been inhabiting this land since pre-independence times do not have the documentation that a modern setting would ask of them. Aadhaar card, ration card, passport or PAN card are not proof of citizenship in India. [63] 

To put all its citizens in all states through an arduous process to prove their citizenship is a plan destined to fail as seen in Assam. The expensive and lengthy NRC done in Assam worked inversely for the BJP as of the 19 lakh people excluded from the final NRC, 12 lakh were Bengali Hindus, the voter base the BJP and Sangh Parivar were hoping to win over.[20] [23] Here is where the Muslim exclusion in the policy is further amplified. Of the excluded Hindus, many can apply for citizenship through CAA, but the Muslims cannot.

The BJP, however, realised the cost of exercising this faulty process in even one state.[21] The party dropped NRC from its manifesto in the lead-up to the 2024 Lok Sabha Elections.[22]

Kashmir

One of BJP’s longest-running political promises was to void Article 370 of the Indian constitution and remove the special status conferred on the state of Jammu and Kashmir. It did fulfil this promise when the government revoked J&K’s special status in August 2019. The BJP’s constitutional gymnastics were protested against and challenged by the opposition parties and critics. However, there was silent support for this decision.

The special status granted to Kashmir over the years bred an intolerable amount of separatists and Pakistan-funded terrorists in the region. The losses incurred by defence forces and limited opportunities and resources for the people of J&K further necessitated the abrogation of Article 370. Article 370 also discriminated against women and marginalised groups in J&K.[25]

The government repealed Article 370 through a Presidential Order. This was done in “concurrence” with the Government of the state, but because the President’s Rule had been invoked, it meant concurrence with the Governor of Jammu and Kashmir. The Presidential Order also saw the President make an addition to clause 367 and replace the phrase “Constituent Assembly of the State” with the “Legislative Assembly of the State”. Since the Governor is an appointment made by the Union government, the Indian Parliament assumed the powers of the State Legislative Assembly.[26] What proceeded was further resolutions to completely integrate the state of Jammu and Kashmir into the Union of India.

Such a topsy-turvy legal exercise had many questions attached to it. The ones that were heavily argued upon were the “temporary nature of Article 370”, the significance of the “Constituent Assembly of J&K” that dissolved after framing its constitution and one of the most pertinent questions was if such a process is given legal validity, does it threaten other states in the Union of India? 

The Supreme Court of India brought an end to such legal questions (in an official sense) by upholding the legality of the abrogation of Article 370 and the Articles affected by it (Article 35A).[27] It emphasised that the Centre had ceded to giving statehood to the now-bifurcated J&K and gave a deadline of September 2024 for legislative assembly elections in the “state”. The possibility of elections seems bleak given the resurgence of terrorist attacks in Jammu.[28]

But what remains unanswered is solace for the people of Jammu and Kashmir. The concerns over their identity and the pledges made to the Kashmiri people seem a distant reality now. Integrating a state must also ensure the integration of its people. It is still unclear what the future holds for a reorganised J&K. However, a 30% increase in voter turnout in the 2024 LS elections was an answer to the Modi government.[29]

Source: Ministry of Home Affairs

Aadhaar

There has not been as big a political U-turn in recent memory as the Modi government's policy on Aadhaar. Aadhaar faced heavy criticism and scrutiny when it was introduced by the UPA government under Dr. Manmohan Singh. But today Aadhaar is the most important tenet in Modi’s digitalisation efforts. It's a superficial front at best. Typical of Modi, the drumrolls for affiliating Aadhaar with bank accounts and phone numbers are sufficiently loud to overshadow privacy concerns. Following the Supreme Court’s decision to uphold the government’s decision to compulsorily link Aadhaar with PAN, the Union government made about 600 crores in fines.[30] [31] However, the Modi government continues to fiddle with Aadhaar’s possible infringement of the right to privacy.[32] Aadhaar is everywhere today – bank accounts, exam results and even airport queues.

Electoral Bonds

Corruption accusations and the widespread anti-corruption movements in 2011-12 brought an end to UPA rule in India in the 2014 elections. The BJP and other opposition parties were part of the movement that demanded strong legislation to counter rampant corruption. 10 years later the only thing that has changed is how blatant corruption and bribery has become in India. The electoral bond scheme introduced by Modi 1.0 stands today as one of the most brass-necked and totalitarian pieces of legislation that has ever come through the doors of the Indian Parliament. The Supreme Court struck down the scheme as unconstitutional in 2024 in the build-up to the 18th LS elections.[33] The argument of the Union government for its implementation was to supposedly promote “transparency” in election financing and curb the inflow of black money. The legislation failed to address these problems and instead was made to benefit political benefactors and peddle money for the government’s billionaire acquaintances. The hesitant release of the donor list (which was also controversial) exposed the BJP’s anti-corruption facade.[34] It showcased the party’s entrenched masquerade of being an ideological leader amongst political parties. 

The data released by the SBI laid bare the criminal underpinnings of Indian politics. CBI and ED mysteriously “raided” these corporations before crores of electoral bonds started flowing in. Shell companies were being used blatantly on Indian soil to launder money for campaign financing. However, the Modi government’s Hafta Vasooli did not hit all media headlines as they would have 10 years ago. While India still suffers from corruption, the Indian media suffers from a lack of spine.

Frontline Magazine/Article dated March 15th, 2024 “As ECI reveals electoral bonds data, BJP tops beneficiary list; biggest donor is little-known Future Gaming”

Source: Hindu Businessline

Misguided and mismanaged

Rafale: Narendra Modi’s Bofors

The Rafale controversy remained a persistent and significant issue during the Modi government's tenure, becoming one of the most controversial defence deals. The Indian Air Force aimed to enhance its fleet, but allegations of corruption repeatedly emerged. In 2016, the deal for the French Rafale fighter aircraft was signed, with accusations that the deal's cost was substantially inflated. French investigative portal Mediapart reported that Dassault Aviation, the aircraft manufacturer, allegedly paid millions in bribes to secure the contract. Sushen Gupta, a middleman already under investigation by the Enforcement Directorate for the AgustaWestland VVIP helicopter scandal, was implicated in this case as well.[36]

Reporter Yann Philippin revealed that despite having evidence of secret payments since October 2018, Indian intelligence agencies, namely the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and the Enforcement Directorate (ED), did not initiate an investigation. The Supreme Court of India eventually cleared the BJP of wrongdoing, but in 2021, a French judge was appointed to oversee the deal. By 2023, reports indicated that the Indian government was not cooperating with French authorities conducting the investigation.[35]

Vinod Kumar/ EPS// Rafale jets at Yelahanka Airforce Station, Bengaluru

COVID-19

On October 22, 2021, Narendra Modi addressed the nation for the tenth time since the pandemic began. By then, hospitals, clinics, and health centres across India had administered over one billion doses of the COVID-19 vaccine, a milestone he highlighted in his speech.

However, neither the Prime Minister's address nor the media coverage acknowledged the devastation caused by the second wave of COVID-19, which resulted in over 250,000 documented deaths—widely considered a conservative estimate due to underreporting. Television news channels had broadcast a live countdown to the billion-dose mark. The severe vaccine shortages and chaotic rollout of the previous months were notably absent from the narrative. The "vaccine century" hype overshadowed the reality that only slightly more than 20% of the population had been fully vaccinated, leaving the majority of Indians still vulnerable.[37]

By the end of 2021, the Indian government was under heavy scrutiny for its reported COVID-19 death toll. The government's figures were eight times lower than the World Health Organization's (WHO) estimate. Experts believed the Indian government misunderstood the WHO's reporting system, but the government's complaints and delays indicated otherwise.[42]

The media used its thickest coat of whitewash on the Modi government’s embarrassing failures during the pandemic. The entirety of the pandemic timeline was shrouded in the government’s incompetence. It started with the media’s and government’s vitriolic attacks on the Tablighi Jamaat. Hastened vaccine programs, curbing of data and no respite for the poor in the light of a suspended economy were what followed.[38] [41]

PTI//Migrant workers being sprayed with disinfectants in Bareilly, Uttar Pradesh.

The pandemic did not stop the government from pushing its nationalist and “Hindu culture” agenda as the Ministry of AYUSH stepped in to offer pseudo-scientific advice. The Ministry recommended the homoeopathic drug Arsenicum album 30 as a preventive drug.[39] The theory and practice of Ayurveda and Homeopathy are unethical and pseudoscientific. The Modi government’s lax attitude towards the promulgation of such advice is a setback for the development of scientific rationale in the country.[40]

Farm Laws

As opposition parties, media houses, institutions and even the judiciary fell against the authoritative and fascist visage of the Modi government, it was the backbone of Indian society and economy that found a spine to bring an end to the government's corporate affiliate bullying. On November 19, 2021, Narendra Modi came before the nation to announce that his government was repealing the three farm laws. It was a product of nearly a year-long farmers' mass protest, but also done to appeal to the farmers on the eve of upcoming assembly elections with the general elections in 2024 in mind. But the damage was already done and Modi had lost the plot with farmers as NDA’s farmer voter base shrunk in the 2024 LS elections. [43]

The three farm laws– the Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, 2020; the Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act; and the Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020) – work to disengage the government from the farmers market and replace them with private entities. It is nothing but a carving of a backdoor for capitalists. The most contentious issue is the absence of MSPs(Minimum Support Price) guaranteed to farmers in the current mandi system. 

The legislation was introduced with the pretext of “empowering and protecting” farmers from large businesses. It wanted to do so by helping farmers “negotiate prices for their produce”. These justifications are a far cry from what the farm laws could actually achieve. The simple fact is that most farmers do not hold any bargaining power in front of large agricultural businesses. Furthermore, the private parties were allowed to impose conditions as they pleased on the quality, grade and standard of the produce by a “third party”. This is a model for contractual farming disguised in vogue words like empowering and protecting. [44] [45] [46]

It also was a boost for billionaires like Gautam Adani to capitalise on this new market model with their extensive cold storage capacity and deep pockets as bargaining power. [47]

Agnipath Yojana

PTI// Train set on fire by angry mobs in Lakhisarai, Bihar

The Agnipath scheme was another blunder that cost the BJP and Modi crucial votes in UP and Bihar in the 2024 LS elections. The government’s grave mistake of stepping into the “path of fire” and meddling with defence recruitments proved very costly. The scheme was not intensely deliberated upon in advisory forums with defence veterans before its implementation and their disgruntlement with the scheme only emerged as the days passed. [48] [64]

Like in the case of the farm laws, this scheme lays out a plan for a 4-year contractual service in the armed forces dubbed the “Tour of Duty”. This is similar to plans laid out by countries like the USA for their armed forces. But this scheme digresses into the fire because only 25% of the service people will be retained by the government. The rest would be let go from their service with a severance package and “invaluable skills” learnt from their “Tour of Duty”. The four years of service will not guarantee them any pension or gratuity. The scheme also drastically reduced the intake of personnel into the three wings of the armed forces. Congress Leader Rahul Gandhi called the move a “Use and Throw” scheme. [49]

However, one must consider the changing nature of modern warfare. With the recent developments in the wars in Ukraine and Gaza, technological advancements demand highly skilled personnel. Pensions and salaries form a major chunk of the Defence Budget and are slowly floating into the waters of unsustainability. However, what the Modi government got wrong was the motivations of youth joining the armed forces. One willing to lay down their life for their country, at least deserves the guarantee of a long career with adequate pay. Defence reforms are a dire need, but thousands of jobs for the youth are not expendable either.

Foreign Policy

Indian Foreign Policy has come a long way since Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru’s initial steps to lay down a non-alignment anti-expansionist outlook for India. 70 years later, as India emerges into the foothills of international relevance, Modi leads India’s foreign charge. Many thought the BJP-RSS Hindu majoritarian politics would take shape in India’s foreign policy also. But, the Modi government has done a commendable job putting forth a temperate tenor in its foreign dealings. Modi’s cult of personality extends beyond every international waters. Knowingly or unknowingly, Modi’s interaction with NRIs as a voter base has slowly but steadily secured him the not-so-subtle support of upper-class urban Indians.

X/Hindustan Times article dated 1st September 2014// Modi pulls a child’s ears as diplomats look on

The government has opted for advancement into non-alignment politics, as India’s policy in the international forum can be described as a form of “multi-alignment”. It is a testament to India’s growing sphere of influence. India houses the world’s largest youth population with a budding service sector having taken off already. It naturally attracts India’s foreign partners in North America and Europe. India overtly extends its arms to the United States and Russia (a longer arm to the US). Experts signal towards a new growing nexus of Washington-New Delhi-Tel Aviv. [50] India has seen success in the Muslim world also as India navigates through the current conflict in Gaza in neutral gear.

But no Modi story ends without theatrics worthy of a play or two. India’s domestic situation is privy to international criticism. India performs poorly in global studies and reports like the Press Freedom Index and religious freedom studies.[54] [55] While the government is quick to deny such reports and question research methodologies, such animated and hostile responses do not help to stifle criticism. It is, however, emblematic of Modi politics. Pageantry politics are characteristic of India’s diplomacy, especially under External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar. [51] [52] But chest-thumping politics cause more harm at home than abroad. The bureaucracy in India has been largely demoralised as it sees the prevalence of “babus” in advisory bodies and matters of policy making. [53]

But what the reddened chests of Narendra Modi and S. Jaishankar can’t deny is that in pursuit of being “Vishwaguru”, India has seen a visible retreat in regional politics. India’s rise from a regional player to a global catalyst is met with the firm wall of China, an already established superpower. The Modi government had no answer for China’s growing influence in the Indian peninsula. The recent Maldives “India Out” campaign indicates to what extent China is willing to throw its nets. [56] Pakistan is an old ally of China but Nepal’s growing affinity with China is a signal that even Nepal is looking for alternatives to its “obvious” allies. [57] However, Sri Lanka’s situation today is a lesson for those willing to accept China’s gloved hands of alliance.

China has not been subtle in its discontent with India. China’s activities in Arunachal Pradesh are amber signs of its expansionist policies and willingness to disrupt internal affairs in India. [58] The BJP has not held back from using China for its nationalist rhetoric. [59] While China warns that anti-China noise can impact bilateral relations, its tolerance is quite open to adjustment owing to India’s growing Chinese imports.

The Hindu/Article dated 29th April 2024 “Up 2.3 times in 15 years, India’s Chinese import bill to rise further”

Modi’s Politik

The Bharatiya Janata Party has long served as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s (RSS) political wing. Jana Sangh’s disdain for a secular and federal India has only gotten bolder in the past decade. The BJP over its 10-year tenure has arduously worked to dismantle institutions and make a mockery of the constitution. India’s degenerate fall into an electoral autocracy was stopped in the 2024 elections. It was the BJP’s own doing when it tried to push the narrative of a “new constitution”, departing from its already successful campaign of a “New India”.

Modi’s New India is an India that has the Income Tax, Enforcement Directorate and the Central Bureau of Investigation at the Prime Minister’s lease. In this New India, discussion happens after legislation passes. Because there are usually no remaining opposition MPs in the House to debate with. [65] In New India, significant emphasis is placed on constructing new buildings and statues and renaming roads to honour our illustrious past. The vivid reality is haphazardly hidden behind a saffron veil. The 9 pm news works to stitch this veil into the fabric of our minds.

In this New India, although we assert that there is no discrimination, electoral strategies often involve dividing the populace into distinct vote banks. Our Prime Minister is portrayed not merely as a leader but as a Pradhan Sevak, a fakir, and a Chowkidaar. However, he has not participated in the question hour of the parliament for the past decade, nor does he hold press conferences. Instead, he prefers orchestrated interactions, which he refers to as interviews, aligning with his portrayal as a divine figure. [66]

In New India, ideology stops at the bank, and the rampant horse trading of MLAs and MPS would put even Jane Street to shame. The Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA) and the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) are draconian laws being enforced to silence all critics and opponents. [67]

It would not be very daring to say that the present-day BJP has left behind the RSS. Modi’s unprecedented rise has made leaders like LK Advani and RSS’s Mohan Bhagwat play second fiddle. The Sangh has been ruffled, as Modi stands alone in his redefinition of India, that is Bharat.

Modi 3.0

The new term for Narendra Modi started with a subdued front. A few days of tension followed after counting. The BJP’s internal grievances were dealt with and alliances were confirmed and consolidated. The strength of such, only time will tell. The NEET fiasco and growing discontentment of the Agnipath scheme are the government’s first impediment. The new laws to overhaul the criminal justice system are already gaining dissenters. Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), and Bharatiya Sakshya Adhiniyam (BSA) have been witnessing criticism from legal experts over its hastened passing and lack of discussion by law commissions. [60]

However, in the future, all eyes will be on India’s pending census which was due in 2021. It was pushed back due to the pandemic and general elections. The census would put an end to many false narratives and claims made by the BJP government. It will also affect the delimitation of parliamentary constituencies in 2026. South Indian states will be in focus as they look to demand an equitable representation in the centre. Finally, a major plot of the BJP manifesto, the Uniform Civil Code, might start taking its final steps into becoming a historical piece of legislation.

A Temple or A Tempest

Give them bread and circuses and they will never revolt.

– Juvenal

Gita Press Gorakhpur/Archive.org// Lord Ram and Muni Shambuka

A significant focus of Modi's election campaign was the construction of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya. However, a notable development after his reelection bid was that the BJP lost the Faizabad constituency in the general elections. The loss in Faizabad is redolent of India as a whole. While the entire country rejoiced in the consecration of the Ram Mandir, the residents of Ayodhya felt betrayed. Their homes had been displaced, their businesses destroyed and their Ram taken away. “Who are you to bring Ram home?” was what resonated when the BJP was voted out of Ayodhya.

The opium of change fed into India is starting to lose its effect. The masses are no longer singing the chorus. The belief that India is changing has not been reflected in its reality. And the beholders of India's reality are those who go to bed hungry. The dreams of becoming the world’s third-largest economy cannot overshadow a score of 28.7 on the Global Hunger Index. India ranks 111th on the GHI rankings. The world’s fastest-growing major economy does have a ring to it. A per capita income of 2393 $US does not. Growing and uncontained inequality cannot be brushed away by rejoicing in the growing number of millionaires every year. Mob lynchings and honour killings are not the characteristics of a Vishwaguru. Hate politics is not the culture of India and an unemployed youth cannot be the face of the India we desire. Ram Lalla’s prasad will only last you a day, a demagogue a decade, but when will democracy truly prevail?

Article by:

Kumar Abhyuday

Editor

PES MUN Society